In April 1920, the San Remo Conference distributed class A mandates on Syria to France and to Iraq and Palestine to Britain. The same conference ratified an oil deal reached at a London conference on 12 February on the basis of a slightly different version of the long-term berenger agreement, previously initialled on 21 December in London. On April 21, Faisal left for the East. Before leaving, Clemenceau sent a draft letter on April 17 in which the French government declared that it recognized „Syria`s right to independence in the form of a federation of autonomous governments, in accordance with the traditions and wishes of the population,“ stating that Faisal had recognized „that France is the power qualified to give the help of various advisers to Syria, which are necessary to put in order and achieve the progress demanded by the population. the Syrian population“ and on April 20 Fayçal Clemenceau assured that he was „deeply impressed by the disinterested kindness of your statements towards me, while I was in Paris, and must thank you for having been the first to propose the sending of the interallied commission that will soon leave for the East to determine the wishes of the local peoples as to the future organization of their country. I am sure the Syrians will know how to show you their gratitude.  In the Middle East, few men today are as pilloried as Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot. Sykes, a British diplomat, traveled to the same territory as T. E. Lawrence (of Arabia), served in the Buren War, inherited a Baronetcy, and won a Conservative seat in Parliament. He died young, at the age of thirty-nine, during the flu epidemic of 1919. Picot was a French lawyer and diplomat who led a long but obscure life until his death in 1950, mainly in the Backwater posts. But the two men continue to live in the secret agreement they were to enter during World War I to divide the Ottoman Empire`s immense land mass into British and French spheres of influence.
The Sykes-Picot agreement launched a nine-year process — and other agreements, declarations, and treaties — that created the modern states of the Middle East from the Ottoman carcass. In the end, the new borders bore little reass like the original Sykes-Picot map, but their map is still considered the main cause of much that has happened since then. Many see the agreement as a turning point in Western and Arab relations. He denied the promises made by the United Kingdom to the Arabs concerning an Arab national homeland in the territory of Greater Syria, in exchange for British support for the Ottoman Empire. The agreement was published with others on November 23, 1917 by the Bolsheviks in Moscow and repeated on November 26, 1917 in the British Guardian, so that „the British were embarrassed, the Arabs dismayed and the Turks happy.“    The legacy of the agreement has sparked much discontent in the region, especially among Arabs, but also among Kurds, who have been denied an independent state.     Many sources claim that Sykes-Picot was in conflict with the Hussein McMahon correspondence of 1915-1916 and that the publication of the agreement in November 1917 caused the resignation of Sir Henry McMahon.  There were several differences, the most obvious being Iraq in the British Red Zone and less obvious the idea that british and French advisers would have control of the area designated for an Arab state. . . .